Alea evangelii

The game Alea evangelii game board as depicted in the manuscript MS 122 f5v from the Corpus Christi College in Cambridge, UK, around 1140. 

Alea evangelii is a medieval game that belongs to the so-called tafl-type games, games where the opponents have unequal numbers of tablemen. The goal in this type of games is that the king of centre player has to reach the edge or corner of the board (depending on the specific game), while the player holding the four sides of the board wins if he is able to capture the king. Tafl game boards can be small or large in size, but are always uneven numbered. In case of the Alea evangelii it is played along the lines, making the board a 19×19 grid, which is exceptionally large. During the medieval times chess gradually became the dominant board game in northern Europe, replacing the tafl games.

The problem with the tafl games is that although surviving medieval boards and game pieces exist, there are no actual contemporary rules. The games themselves are  frequently mentioned in northern medieval and Viking literature, but an accurate description of the rules is failing. The 18th century Swedish scientist Carl Linneaus did describe the rules of a similar game played in Lapland, and thanks to him the rules of the (early) medieval tafl games can be inferred.

As said before, the Alea evangelii game is a very large tafl game, and the illumination on folio 5 verso in the 12th century medieval manuscript shows all kinds of intriguing dots, signs, symbols and (Hebrew) letters. Most of them actually have nothing to do with the game, as does the accompanying text in the manuscript except for two sentences. One sentence relates to the origin of the game (translated from Latin):

Alea Evangelii , which Dubinsi bishop of Bangor brought away from the king of the English, that is, from the house of Athelstan king of the English; depicted by a certain Frank and a Roman sage, that is, Israel.

Dubinsi, the bishop of Bangor died in 953, while King Aethelstan ruled from 925 to 939, suggesting the game already existed in the early 10th century. On the game itself, there is only one full sentence: 

Si quis voluerit scire hanc aleam plene, illi, ante omnia hujus discipline documenta hec. VII scire animo necesse est: duces scilicet et comites, propugnatores et impugnatores, civitatem et civitatulam, et IX. gradus bis.

translated as:

If anyone would know this game fully, before all the lessons of this teaching he must thoroughly know these seven: to wit, dukes and counts, defenders and attackers, city and citadel, and nine steps twice over.

The game depicted in the manuscript is used to portray some kind of religious calender. The dots represent the four evangelists, Matthew, Marc, Luke and John, respectively. In fact, the text on other folios of the manuscript deal with the calendar en aspects of the gospels. In the canons a few more hints on the game are hidden:

• The piece in the central position is referred to as the primus vir or 'primary man'.
• The four man drawn on a double outline are referred to as varii viri or 'variegated men'.
• 'The groups of four men at the four corners are there for the decoration of the playing table'.

The supposed fragment of an 18 x 18 squares Alea evangelii board found in a grave at Wimose, Denmark. The opposite side shows the Roman game duodecim scripta, so likely this side is rather from the game ludus latrunculorum.

A probable fragment of a game board for Alea evangelii was excavated from a grave at Wimose, Denmark. The board piece was dated around 400 AD. The fragment is 18 squares long and one and a half square high, each cell measures around 25×25 square mm. One of the corners of the board is included in the fragment, but the chequered region does not look complete in the other direction, making a 19×19 grid optional. However, no special marking is provided for the corner, while this is a special space for Alea evangelii. Furthermore, a Roman game is depicted on the backside, making Walker (2015) conclude the board was more likely for the Roman game ludus latrunculorum.

The intriguing medieval game of  Alea evangelii of course asks for a reconstruction to be made by the St. Thomasguild.

Making the Alea evangelii board

17 tafl game pieces from the 8th century from Gunnarshaug, Norway: 12 blue defenders and a king, and 20 + 4 amber and yellow attackers. They vary in height from 17 to 20 mm and are conical in shape. A single large piece is dark blue with a brown top and a yellow point; four smaller pieces are yellow with a brown top. It is possible that these game pieces consist of two incomplete sets, or that the four would have some special capability. The game pieces are now at Bergen Museum, Bergen, Norway. 

Making the game pieces

Many sets of game pieces have been found in graves and boat burials (e.g. see Hall, 2016; Rundkvist and Williams, 2008; Archaeological finds - Cyningstan website; Walker, Breyer and Jonquai, 2012). Our Alea evangelii game pieces were inspired by the archaeological find of tafl game pieces in an 8th century grave at Gunnarshaug, Norway. Instead of conical game pieces, a square pyramidal form was chosen for the attackers and defenders, and a larger pentagonal pyramid for the king. I used clay to make the game pieces, which were glazed blue for the attackers, and yellow for the defenders and the king. A blue dot was added to yellow pieces, while the king had two extra blue circular lines.

Left: A ready glazing was used for the game pieces. The glazing was poured into a cup and the (biscuit baked) clay game pieces were dipped into it.

After drying, the blue dot was added on the yellow game pieces with a brush, the lines were drawn with a blue glaze drawing bottle (the small one in the previous photo).

Making the board

The board for Alea evangelii, as most of our medieval game boards, is made from poplar with a walnut edge. As the board is very large, several poplar planks had to be glued together. After the coating with linseed oil, the lines and text were painted. For the red lines Venetian red pigment with linseed oil was used, and for the black markings bone black pigment with linseed oil.

I did not add all the text on the edges of the board, as they are not necessary for play (and the actual text was also not very clear). All other markings, even if they are only for use in the canons and not for play, were added as they created a more intriguing atmosphere of the game, and allowed us to explain its origins to visitors when re-enacting. Also, all markings for play were added, including the few missing placement markers for the attackers (they did not fit in the canons and thus were originally left out).

Our alea evangelii board without its game pieces.

Playing Alea evangelii

The rules to play alea evangellii have been deduced and playtested by Damian Walker. This description follows his rules.

The goal of the game is either to capture the king (the attackers) or for the king to escape the board at one of the corners (the defenders). Each turn, a player moves one game piece. The game starts with the defenders making a move. If a player cannot make a move, because all of its pieces are surrounded, the game ends with a draw. The game is also a draw if a position is repeated.

The different playing pieces of alea evangelii: defenders are yellow with a blue dot, the king is a larger yellow piece with two blue circles, the attackers are blue pieces.

Placement on the board

The 48 attackers (blue), 24 defenders (yellow) and the king are placed on the board according to one of the schemes shown below. The classic set-up of the game pieces has originally been proposed by Murray (1952). This layout is used by most authors that describe Alea evangelii, including Walker. Sten Helmfrid (2008), however, proposed two alternative symmetrical layouts of the game pieces, of which one, to me, seems more likely to be correct than the classic layout by Murray. This is because the mysterious four squares with a double outline now have a purpose. They designate a defender among a row of attackers. Such positional markings can also be found on some excavated tafl game boards, such as the 11th century board from Trondheim.

Each black (and double outlined) square contains an attacker or defender, the king is placed in the central spot (with no lines, containing the big I).

This shows the most likely arrangement of the pieces on the board as proposed by Sten Helmfrid. 

This set-up of the game makes use of the positional markings on the board.

This shows the classical arrangement of the pieces on the board. 

This set-up of the game was originally proposed by Murray.

 This shows another alternative set-up of the pieces as proposed by Sten Helmfrid. 

Movement of the pieces

The game pieces (attackers, defenders and king) can move any number of spaces octagonally on the  board, with two exceptions: attackers and defenders cannot enter the central space (no lines!) and the four corners (they are occupied by the coloured men). Game pieces cannot jump over one another. Movement is halted when blocked by another game piece or when reaching the edge of the board.

Left: movement of the king: octogonally, to any free spot along the line. Right: movement of attackers and defenders: octogonally, to any free spot along the line, but not to or crossing the central space. A piece cannot jump over another piece (e.g. the yellow is stopped by the blue).

Capture of enemy pieces

Game pieces (attackers and defenders) are captured when they are caught between two opposing pieces. This is an active process, as the opposing side must move his pieces to make the capture. One of the opposing game pieces involved in the capture can be the king. The (four) decorated men in each corner play the role of either the attacker or defender (hence (both) coloured) in a capture. A game piece caught between a coloured men and an opposing piece is also captured. More than one capture can be made with one move. Captured game pieces are removed from the board.

On the other hand, a move of a friendly piece between two non-moving opponents does not enable a capture. The friendly piece is 'safe'.

Left: Yellow moves, and blue is caught between yellow and a decorated corner man and is taken. Right: Blue moves , and yellow is caught between two blue pieces and taken.

Left: When the yellow king moves, blue is caught between two yellow pieces and taken. On the other hand, if blue would have moved, the king would still be safe between the two blue pieces (the king must be surrounded by four blue pieces. Right: Yellow is safe when it moves to the space between the two blue pieces. 

Capture of the King

The king is captured differently than the ordinary defenders and attackers. It must be surrounded by four opposing pieces, or three opposing pieces and the edge of the board. If this happens, the game ends and the attacking side wins. However, the king is safe on the central space of the board, if he has not made any move in a previous turn.

Two win situations for the attacker: surrounding the king by four game pieces (left) or by three and the edge of the board (right).

Escape of the King

The defenders win if the king escapes to one of the corners of the board, entering the space of a decorated men.

The King has escaped and wins the game.

Variegated men

The game also mentions variegated men, their position being the four double outlined squares. Damian Walker, who uses the Murray layout where these places are occupied by attackers, does not have a rule for these men, and proposes to ignore them. On the other hand, the Gunnershaug find included 4 special coloured attackers. Though the Gunnershaug number of game pieces are for a smaller game, these could correspond with something like the variegated men. This still leaves no clue for what these variegated men do. One can only speculate. Could the variegated men something like the king (for instance a duke), such that the duke (and the king) can only enter the variegated spot? Or could it be a safe-haven for any within this spot?

One of the four double outlined squares of the variegated men. 
They are used in the Stenfrid set-up for a defending game piece, but have no use in the Murray set-up.

The full setup of the Alea evangelii board in the Murray lay-out.

Sources:

• Fabian Müllers and Sylvestre Jonquai, 2016. Les yeux au moyen age. Edition la Muse.
• Catherine Breyer and Sylvestre Jonquai, 2012. La famille du hnefatfl - semblages et differents. Histore et Images Medievales 28(3), pages  16-24.
• Damian Walker, 2014. Alea evangelii. 
• Damian Walker, 2007. Reconstructing hnefatafl - a series of four articles.
• Damian Walker / Cyningstan website. Archeological finds 
• Damian Walker, 2015. Some interesting information on an old gaming board. Blogpost Cynestan.
• H.J.R. Murray, 1952. The history of board games other than chess. Clarendon Press, Oxford, UK, pages 55-64.
• Sten Helmfrid, 2005. Hnefatafl - the Strategic Board Game of the Vikings. An overview of rules and variations of the game. 
• Mark A. Hall, 2016. Board games in boat burials: play in the performance of migration and Viking age mortuary practice. European Journal of Archaeology 19 (3), pages 439-455. DOI: 10.1080/14619571.2016.1175774
• Martin Rundkvist and Howard Williams, 2008. A Viking boat grave with amber gaming pieces excavated at Skamby, Östergötland, Sweden. Medieval Archeology 52, page 69-102. DOI: 10.1179/174581708x335440 
• Oskar Spjuth, 2012. In quest for the lost gamers - An investigation of board gaming in Scania, during the Iron and Middle Ages. MSC thesis Lund University, Lund, Sweden.

More medieval Vatican chess

The Vatican library hold an interesting medieval manuscript MS Reg. Lat. 430 that partly concerns chess, or to be more precise the morality of chess. It is a mid 15th century illustrated copy of the book 'De moribus hominum et de officiis nobilium super ludo scaccorum' (On the customs of men and their noble actions with regard to the game of chess). The book was written by the Dominican monk Jacobus (or Jacopo) Cessolis (1275-1322) and became a medieval bestseller. Many copies were made, and it was even translated into French, English, German, Dutch, and Middle Scots, among others. At the end of the middle ages and early renaissance the book was also printed, making it a true bestseller in the modern sense (For instance it was the second book to be printed in the English language; William Caxton printed an English translation of a French translation of the Ludus scaccorum in 1474).

The Ludus scaccorum is divided into books, and in turn in chapters. The first book touches on the origins of chess and the reasons for its invention; the next two books explain how the pieces represent different ranks of society. The different social classes are then made the subject of anecdotes and illustrations. The fourth book concerns the game mechanics with the actual moves of the chess pieces on the board. These rules are in turn allegorized to illustrate a moral. For example, when a pawn becomes a queen, the fact that many great rulers had humble origins is illustrated.

 

 The chess board with its pieces on the board and next to it. MS reg. Lat. 430, folio 95r, Vatican Library, Rome, Italy.

What makes this particular Vatican chess morale book intersting is that three (more or less) different sets of chess pieces are depicted. I had been looking for examples of medieval chess sets which I could reproduce for a fellow re-enactment group (het woud der verwachting). They currently have borrowed one of our chess sets, but wanted to have their own (courier) chess set. I found a reference to this particular book on a chess website that discussed the position of the pieces on the chess board depicted in this manuscript. One of the chess sets also shows the people they represent in their period clothing - precisely in the style of the period of het woud der verwachting, the early 15th century. This made one of these sets the obvious choice to reconstruct.

The first set

The first set is found in the second and third book and describes the different chess pieces and their social ranks. It starts with the five chess pieces on the first row: the king, the queen, the alphinus (originally 'elephant' or bishop, now judge in the Ludus scaccorum), the knight, and the rook (representing vicars and legates). In the book, each piece is described in terms of its clothing, its symbols of power, the moral significance of those symbols, and the way they must behave in society.

Left: King, folio 74v,  Right:  Queen,  folio 75v. Both chess pieces have a characteristic ring and a crown at the top of a long stalk.

Left: Judge sitting in a chair with a fixed canopy, folio 77v. The chess piece itself looks very strange, as if it is warped. However, considering that this judge used to be an alfil or elephant, which was represented as a game piece with two tusks, this chess piece makes sense. Right: If you create 2 tusks by removing a part of a turned chess piece, and display you chess piece like the dark one, it will look similar to the one depicted in the manuscript.

Left:  Knight, folio 78v. Right: Rook, represented as a legate on a horse, folio 81v.

The third book follows with the eight pawns, each representing a particular group of commoners depicted with their different associated crafts. The second pawn described is of particular interest. At first, he is called a blacksmith (shown by the thongs), however his two other tools are a bit unlogical for a smith: an axe and a trowel. These belong to a carpenter/woodworker and a mason, respectively, as is also explained later in the text of the book. All three crafts together are involved in building. And the patron saint of architects and builders is of course our Apostle Thomas.

On this second pawn from the printed English edition of 1474 by William Caxton:

The second pawn that stondeth tofore the knyght on the right syde of the kyng hath the forme and fygure of a man as a smyth and that is reson. For hit apperteyneth to the knyghtes to have bridellys, sadellis, spores, and many other thynges maad by the handes of smythes, and ought to holde an hamer in his right hond, and in his lift hande a squyer. And he ought to have on his gyrdel a trowel, for by this is signefyed alle maner of werkmen as goldsmythes, marchallis, smythes of alle forges, forgers and makers of money. And al maner of smythes ben signefyed by the martel or hamer. The carpenters ben signefyed by the dolabre or squyer. And by the trowel we understonde al masons and kervers of stones, tylers, and al those that make howses, castels, and towres.

   And unto al thyse crafty men hit aperteyneth that they be trewe, wyse, and stronge. And hit is nede that they have in hemself fayth and loyaulté. For unto the goldsmythes behoveth golde and sylver, and alle other metallys, yren and steel, to other. And unto the carpentiers and masons ben put to theyr edefyces the bodyes and goodes of the peple. And also men put in the handes of the maroners body and goodes of the peple. And in the garde and sewerté of them, men put body and sowle in the parilles of the see. And therfore ought they to be trewe unto whom men commytte suche grete charge and so grete thynges upon her fayth and truste.

(The full text on the smith/carpenter/mason is given at the end of this post)

Pawns. Left: Labourer folio 84v and Right: member of the Builders (Thomas) guild, folio 85v.

Pawns. Left: Pawn with attributes of notaries, advocates, scribes, and drapers or clothmakers, folio 86v. Right: pawn with attributes of merchants and money-changers, folio  88r.

Pawns. Left: pawn with attributes of  physicians and apothecaries, folio 89v. Right: pawn with attributes of a taverner, hosteller or wine master, folio 91r.

Pawns. Left: Pawn as a tower, town or cellar keeper, folio 92v. Right: Pawn as a ribault, gambler and courier, folio  93v.

The second set

The second set is shown on a chess board (see image above) and resembles those of the first set. However, as the pieces are much smaller, any details are lacking and it is not always clear at first sight which chess piece is which. Also the people from the chess site had some problems identifying the pieces, but actually it is quite simple. They already found out that the pieces on the board resembled those shown later in the manuscript. What they neglected were the pieces present next to the board, as well as the chess rules for medieval chess. This way one can eliminate the possibilities for those that are unclear. The fact that indeed there is an actual chess game shown on the board, and the chess pieces of second set are correctly depicted (even if they look strange at first), makes it likely that the illustrator made the illuminations after a real chess set (his own or that from the person who ordered the book) and/or was a chess player himself.

The player on the right is moving a pawn. I have shown the most likely positions of the pieces on (and next of) the board, but there are also other possibilities for the pawn that is played.

 

Left: a closer detail of the board on folio 95r. Right: My interpretation on the situation on the board, the arrow shows the movement of the pawn.

The third set

The third chess set in the manuscript is found in the forth book. It is different and does not resemble the previous two. The chess pieces shown are flattened, a bit like the modern chess schemes, although they are well decorated with lines, curves and dots.

 

King, folio 96r, Queen folio 97r.

Bishop, folio 98r, Knight, folio 98v.

Rook, folio 98v, Pawn, folio 99r.

A next post will continue with the construction of the 'Vatican' Cessolis courier chess set, based on the second chess set, as this is the most detailed one. The courier set does of course have three other chess pieces: the fool, the counsellor and the courier. I had to design these pieces myself, so that they would fit in with the rest.  

Another Cessolis chess book

Most Cessolis chess morale books do not contain actual chess pieces. Also this French translation of the Cessolis book 'Jeu des échecs moralisé', made between 1350-1360 in France does not contain actual chess pieces (The manuscript now resides in the Morgan Library, New York, NY, USA as MS G. 52). However,  it has very beautifully brownish-grisaille illustrations of the chess society classes in their contemporary clothing (the clothing of the St. Thomasguild period).

Folio 1r shows all the people depicting the chess pieces. Jean de Vignay, wearing a cross-inscribed garment of a Hospitaler, seated on bench, holding a knife in his left hand and a pen in his right hand to open book on lectern (judge/elephant chess piece). Seated around him in a circle are a crowned queen seated on a sella curulis decorated with animal heads and feet, and with a dog seated on her lap (queen chess piece); a crowned king, holding a sceptre (queen chess piece); a cardinal, holding the ties of his hat in right hand; a bishop, wearing mitre and holding a crozier held in right hand (rook/legate chess piece), seated beside two men, including one holding gloves in right hand; a falconer with a falcon cap in his right wrist; a man with a sword sheathed at waist, facing away; a goldsmith seated on a round chair with a hammer raised in right hand above an object held on anvil; a hooded man digging with spade; and two men, wearing loin cloths, gnawing on bones, with one holding another bone and the other an animal head (all pawns). Only the knight chess piece seems to be missing.

 

Folio 27r, showing a knight sitting on a bench and pointing with his right hand. Before him stands the smith annex mason annex carpenter, holding a hammer in his right hand and an axe in his left. A trowel is tucked in his belt.

Sources:

Carolus chesswebsite. 1273 De Ludus Scaccorum - Cessolis. Available at: 
https://sites.google.com/site/caroluschess/medieval-european-literature/my-reading-list/cessolis 
Williams Caxton, 1474. The Game and Playe of the Chesse. Available at: 
https://d.lib.rochester.edu/teams/publication/adams-caxton-game-and-playe-of-the-chesse 

Complete Caxton text on the second pawn

The second chappytre of the thyrd tractate treteth of the forme and maner of the second pawne and of the maner of a smyth.     

The second pawn that stondeth tofore the knyght on the right syde of the kyng hath the forme and fygure of a man as a smyth and that is reson. For hit apperteyneth to the knyghtes to have bridellys, sadellis, spores, and many other thynges maad by the handes of smythes, and ought to holde an hamer in his right hond, and in his lift hande a squyer. And he ought to have on his gyrdel a trowel, for by this is signefyed alle maner of werkmen as goldsmythes, marchallis, smythes of alle forges, forgers and makers of money. And al maner of smythes ben signefyed by the martel or hamer. The carpenters ben signefyed by the dolabre or squyer. And by the trowel we understonde al masons and kervers of stones, tylers, and al those that make howses, castels, and towres.
   And unto al thyse crafty men hit aperteyneth that they be trewe, wyse, and stronge. And hit is nede that they have in hemself fayth and loyaulté. For unto the goldsmythes behoveth golde and sylver, and alle other metallys, yren and steel, to other. And unto the carpentiers and masons ben put to theyr edefyces the bodyes and goodes of the peple. And also men put in the handes of the maroners body and goodes of the peple. And in the garde and sewerté of them, men put body and sowle in the parilles of the see. And therfore ought they to be trewe unto whom men commytte suche grete charge and so grete thynges upon her fayth and truste.
   And therfore sayth the phylosopher: “He that leseth his fayth and beleve may lose no gretter ne more thynge." And fayth is a soverayn good and cometh of the good wylle of the herte and of his mynde, and for no necessyté wyl deceyve no man, and is not corrupt for no mede.
   Valerius rehercith that Fabius had receyved of Hanybal certeyn prysoners that he helde of the Romayns for a certeyn somme of money, whiche he promysed to paye to the sayd Hanybal. And whan he cam unto the senatours of Rome and desyred to have the money lente for hem, they answerd that they wold not paye nor lene. And than Fabius sent his sone to Rome and made hym to selle hys heritage and patrymonye, and sent the money that he receyvyd therof unto Hanybal, and had lever and lovyd better to be poure in his contréy of heritage than of beleve and fayth. But in thyse dayes it were grete folye to have suche affyaunce in moche peple but yf they had ben prevyd afore. For oftentymes men truste in them by whom they ben deceyvyd at theyr nede.
   And it is to wete that these crafty men and werkmen ben soveraynly proffytable unto the world. And wythout artificers and werkmen, the world myght not be governed. And knowe thou verily that alle tho thynges that ben engendrid on the erthe and on the see ben maad and formed for to do proffyt unto the lignage of man, for man was formed for to have generacion that the men myght helpe and proffyt eche other. And here in ought we to folowe nature, for she sheweth to us that we shold do comyn proffyt, one to another. And the first fondement of justyce is that no man shold noye ne greve other, but that they ought do the comen proffyt. For men say in reproche, “That I see of thyn, I hope hit shal be myn." But who is he in thyse dayes that entendeth more to the comyn proffyt than to his owne? Certeynly none. But alwey a man ought to have drede and fere of his owne hows whan he seeth his neyghbour’s hows afyre. And therfore ought men gladly helpe the comyn prouffyt, for men otherwhyle sette not by a lytyl fyre and myght quenche hit in the begynnyng that afterward maketh a grete blasygng fire. 
   And fortune hath of nothyng so grete plesure as for to torne and werke alwey. And nature is so noble a thyng that whereas she is, she wyl susteyne and kepe. But thys rewle of nature hath faylled longe tyme.
   How wel that the decree saith that alle the thynges that been ayenst the lawe of nature ought to be taken awey and put aparte. And he sayth tofore in the eighth distinccion that the ryght lawe of nature defferenceth ofte tymes fro custom and statutes establisshyd. For by lawe of nature al thyng ought to be comyn to every man. And thys lawe was of olde tyme. And men wene yet specially that the Trojans kept this lawe, and we rede that the multitude of the Trojans was one herte and one sowle. And verayly we fynde that in tyme passid the philosophres dide the same.
   And also, it is to be supposid that suche as have theyr goodes comune and not propre is most acceptable to God. For ellis wold not thyse religyous men as monkes, freres, chanons, observauntes, and al other avowe hem and kepe the wylful poverté that they ben professyd to? For in trouth I have myself ben conversaunt in a religious hows of Whyt Freres at Gaunt, whiche have al thyng in comyn among them, and not one richer than another, insomoche that yf a man gaf to a frere three pence or four pence to praye for hym in his masse, as sone as the masse is don, he delyveryeth hit to his overest or procuratour, in whiche hows ben many vertuous and devout freris. And yf that lyf were not the best and the most holyest, Holy Chirche wold never suffre hit in religyon.
   And accordyng therto, we rede in Plato, whiche sayth that the cyté is wel and justly governed and ordeyned in the which no man may say by right, by custome, ne by ordenaunce, “Thys is myn." But I say to thee certeynly that sythen this custome came forth to say “This is myn, and this is thyn," no man thought to preferre the comyn prouffyt so moche as his owne.
   And al werkmen ought to be wyse and wel advysed so that they have none envye ne none evyll suspecion one to another. For God wyl that our humayn nature be covetous of two thynges, that is of religyon and of wysedom. But in this caas ben somme often tymes deceyved. For they take often tymes religyon and leve wysedom, and they take wysedom and refuse religion. And none may be veray and trewe wythout other. For it apperteyneth not to a wyse man to do onythyng that he may repente hym of hit, and he ought to do nothyng ayenst his wylle but to do al thyng nobly, meurely, fermely, and honestly. And yf he have envye upon ony, hit is folye, for he on whom he hath envye is more honest and of more havoyr than he whiche is so envyous. For a man may have none envye on another, but bycause he is more fortunat and hath more grace than hymself. For envye is a sorowe of corage that cometh of this ordenaunce of the prouffyt of another man.
   And knowe thou verily that he that is ful of bounté shal never have envye of another. But the envyous man seeth and thynketh alwey that every man is more noble and more fortunat that hymself, and saith alwey to hymself, “That man wynneth more than I!" and “Myn neyghbours have more plenté of bestes!" and “Her thynges multeplye more than myn!" And therfore thou oughtest knowe that envye is the most grettest dedely synne that is, for she tormenteth hym that hath her within hym wythout tormentyng or doyng ony harme to hym on whom he hath envye.
   And an envyous man hath no vertu in hymself, for he corrumpeth hymself, for as moche as he hateth alwey the welthe and vertues of other. And thus ought they to kepe them that they take none evyl suspecion. For a man naturelly, whan his affeccion hath suspecion in ony man that he weneth that he doth, hit semeth to hym veryly that it is don.
   And it is an evyl thyng for a man to have suspecion on hymself. For we rede that Dyonyse of Zecyle, a tyraunt, was so suspecious that he had so grete fere and drede. For as moche as he was hated of alle men, that he put his frendes out of theyr offyces that they had and put other straungers in their places for to kepe his body, and chese suche as were right cruel and felons. And for fere and doubte of the barbours, he made his doughters to lerne shave and kembe. And whan they were grete, he wold not they shold use ony yron to be occupyed by them but to brenne and senge his heeris, and menaced them and durst not truste in them. And in like wyse they had none affyaunce in hym. And also, he did do envyronne the place where he lay wyth grete dyches and brode lyke a castel. And he entrid by a drawe bridge, whiche closid after hym. And his knyghtes laye wythout wyth his gardes, whiche watched and kept straytly thys forteresse. And whan Plato sawe thys said Dionyse, Kyng of Zecille, thus envyroned and sette about wyth gardes and watchemen for the cause of his suspescion, sayd to hym openly tofore alle men, “Kynge, why hast thou don so moche evyl and harme that thee behoveth to be kept wyth so moche peple? And therfore I say that it apperteyneth not to ony man that wylle truly behave hymself in his werkes to be suspecious."
   And also, they ought to be stronge and seure in theyr werkys. And specially they that ben maysters and maronners on the see. For yf they be tumerous and ferdful, they shold make aferde them that ben in theyr shippis that knowe not the parilles. And so hit myght happen that by that drede and fere, al men shold leve theyr labour, and so they myght be perisshed and dispeyrid in theyr corages. For a shyppe is soon perisshed and lost by a litil tempest whan the governour faylleth to governe his shyppe for drede and can geve no counceyl to other. Thenne it is no mervaylle though they be aferde that ben in his governaunce. And therfore ought to be in them strengthe, force, and corage, and [they] ought to considere the paryls that myght falle. And the governour specially ought not to doubte. And yf hyt happyn that ony parril falle, he ought to promyse to the other good hoop. And hit aperteyneth wel that a man of good and hardy corage be sette in that office, in suche wyse that he have ferme and seure mynde ayenst the parylles that oft tymes happen in the see. And wyth this ought the maronners have good and ferme creaunce and beleve in God, and to be of good recomforte and of fayr langage unto them that he governeth in suche parellys.
   And thys suffyseth to you as touchyng the labourers.
 

Medieval Vatican chess pieces

The Vatican musea in Rome are in my opinion a bit overrated as a place that you must see; it is rather overcrowded. One of the surprizing things that were on display were a few medieval chess pieces made from bone. These chess pieces were excavated from the catacombs of San Sebastiano at the Via Appia Antica. The catacombs were in use since the second century AD. The chess pieces were dated between 7th-10th century, which would make them one of the earliest European chess pieces known. However, comparing these chess pieces which similar archeological chess finds, make it more likely that they are from the 11th-12th century (see the comprehensive list by Goret et al., 2009). All pieces are made from bone with carved decorations. Some of the chess pieces were misnamed in my opinion.

The catacombs of San Sebastiano at the Via Appia.

From left to right: King, Queen, Queen, Rook and part of the Knight. 
In the background a part of an 16th century games box can be seen.

 From left to right: Rook, Knight, Elephant, Elephant and small Elephant

Left: King, measures 4.8 x 4.5 cm, inv. nr. MV_62179_0_0. Right: Rook, measures 3.8 x 4.6 cm, inv. nr. MV_62182_0_0. Images from Vactican musea online collection.

Left: Queen, measures 4.2 x 4.6 cm, inv. nr. MV_62180_0_0. Right: Queen (though the vatican says rook), measures 4.0 x 3.9 cm, inv. nr. MV_62181_0_0. Images from Vactican musea online collection.

Left: Knight, measures 4.5 x 3.4 cm, inv. nr. MV_62183_0_0. Right: Knight (though the vatican says pawn), measures 4.4 x 3.5 cm, inv. nr. MV_62184_0_0. Images from Vactican musea online collection.

Left: Elephant (bishop), measures 4.0 x 4.5 cm, inv. nr. MV_62185_0_0. Right: Elephant (though the vatican says pawn), measures 3.8 x 2.3 cm, inv. nr. MV_62186_0_0. Images from Vactican musea online collection.

Left: King or Pawn (the vatican says pawn), measures 2.6 x 2.3 cm, inv. nr. MV_62623_0_0. It is not clear if this is from the same site as the chess pieces shown above. Right: Bishop, chess piece of UK origin, made from ivory, end of 12th-start13th century, 9.5 x 5.9 x 3.6 cm. Images from Vactican musea online collection.

Left: small King or pawn. Right: King, Queen, Queen and Rook.

Left: Queen and Rook. Right: Knight and three Elephants.

 

From left to right: Queen, Rook, Knight, and Elephant (3x).

Also on display a 16th century games box from Germany or the Netherlands. The boards are fro backgammon, chess and nine-men-morris. The engraved edges show various characters, ideal and caricatured heads, and hunting scenes. Closed measures: 38.3 x 38.9 x 2.8 cm; open: 38.3 x 77.7 x 5.1 cm. Image from Vactican musea online collection.

Sources used:

• J-F. Goret, M. Talon and J-H. Ivinec, 2009. Le jeu d'echecs de Noyon dans sons contexte archeologique et historique. Revue Archeologique de Picardie 2009: 79-119.
• M. Grandet and J-F. Goret, 2012. Echecs et trictrac. Fabrication et usages des jeux de tables au moyen age. Exhibition catalogue Chateau de Mayenne, 23 June - 18 November 2012. Edition Errance, Paris, France. 160 pp. ISBN 978-2-87772-503-3.